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特里薩•梅埋葬了撒切爾主義

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ing-bottom: 56.29%;">特里薩•梅埋葬了撒切爾主義

Theresa May has buried Thatcherism.

特里薩•梅(Theresa May)埋葬了撒切爾主義。

Under a Conservative government, the UK is now embracing the political ideas of fairness and government intervention.

在一個保守黨政府主政期間,英國正在擁抱公平和政府幹預的政治理念。

This might mark as big a shift in UK politics as those of the 1940s, towards socialism, and of the 1980s, away from it.

這可能標誌着英國政治的一次重大轉變,堪比1940年代的轉向社會主義以及1980年代的摒棄社會主義。

Remember that the Beveridge report, which laid the intellectual foundations of the postwar welfare state, was published in 1942, under the coalition government led by Winston Churchill.

記住,溫斯頓•邱吉爾 (Winston Churchill)領導的聯合政府於1942年發佈了《貝弗裏奇報告》(Beveridge report),該報告奠定了戰後福利國家的理論基礎。

Similarly James Callaghan, then Labour prime minister, laid the ground for Thatcherism in 1976, when he stated: We used to think that you could spend your way out of a recession, and increase employ-ment by cutting taxes and boosting government spending.

類似的,工黨首相詹姆斯•卡拉漢(James Callaghan)於1976年表示我們過去常常認爲,可以通過花錢擺脫衰退,以減稅和增加政府支出來促進就業

I tell you in all candour that option no longer exists.

我坦白地告訴你們,這個選項已不再存在。

Now, in her speech to the Conservative party conference, Mrs May argues that when one among us falters, our most basic human instinct is to put our own self-interest aside, to reach out our hand and help them over the line.

現在,梅在保守黨大會上的發言中主張,當我們中的某個人陷入困境時,我們最基本的人類本能就是把自己的利益放在一邊,伸出援手,幫助他們度過難關。

That’s why the central tenet of my belief is that there is more to life than individualism and self-interest.

這就是爲什麼我的核心信念是人生的意義不僅是個人主義和自我利益。

We form families, communities, towns, cities, counties and nations.

我們組成家庭、社區、城鎮、城市、郡和國家。

We have a responsibility to one another.

我們對彼此負有責任。

And I firmly believe that government has a responsibility, too.

我堅信,政府也負有責任。

This is evidently a direct riposte to Thatcher’s notable remark: I think we’ve been through a period where too many people have been given to understand that if they have a problem, it’s the government’s job to cope with it . . . They’re casting their problem on society.

這顯然是對撒切爾夫人如下著名言論的直接回擊:我認爲,我們經歷了這樣一段時期,太多人想當然地認爲,如果他們遇到一個問題,對付這個問題是政府的責任……他們把自己的問題扔給社會。

And, you know, there is no such thing as society.

而你知道,不存在社會這種事物。

There are individual men and women, and there are families.

只有作爲個人的男人和女人,還有就是家庭。

Mrs May has gone much further in her rejection of Thatcher than her predecessor, David Cameron, who merely stated: There is such a thing as society; it’s just not the same thing as the state.

在拋棄撒切爾主義方面,梅比她的前任戴維•卡梅倫(David Cameron)走得遠得多。卡梅倫只是說:社會是存在的;只是社會和政府不是一回事。

Indeed, she has channelled Elizabeth Warren, the activist Democratic US senator, who asserted in 2011: There is nobody in this country who got rich on his own — nobody.

的確,梅呼應了激進的美國民主黨參議員伊麗莎白•沃倫(Elizabeth Warren)。後者在2011年斷言:這個國家不存在只靠自己致富的人,一個也沒有。

Mrs May’s version of this view is: Nobody, no individual tycoon and no single business, however rich, has succeeded on their own.

梅把這個觀點表述爲:無論多麼富有,沒有哪個人、沒有哪個大亨、也沒有哪一家企業是靠自己取得成功的。

The financial crisis, and the stagnant living standards it bequeathed, has clearly undermined the legitimacy of the free-market approach.

金融危機及其遺留的生活水平停滯,明顯破壞了自由市場觀念的合法性。

That is why Mrs May’s interventionism, not the libertarian Brexiters’ dreams of the UK as a free-trading, deregulated, competitive entrepôt, now dominates.

正因如此,如今佔據主導地位的是梅的干預主義,而並非自由意志主義的主張脫歐者(Brexiter)有關英國是一個自由貿易、解除管制、有競爭力的貿易中心的夢想。

For many, that is what taking back control meant.

對許多人來說,這就是收回控制權的涵義。

It may also presage a long-lasting shift in UK politics.

這或許還預示着英國政治的長期轉變。

If one looks at other political parties, the probability of this looks quite high.

如果考察一下其他政黨,這個概率看起來相當高。

Labour, in particular, has shifted leftward.

特別是工黨(Labour)已經向左轉了。

This leaves the ground Mrs May wants to occupy, with her bold claims that we are the party of workers and that workers’ rights will be protected and enhanced by a Conservative government.

這留下了梅想要佔據的陣地。她大膽地聲稱,我們是工人的政黨,工人的權利將受到保守黨政府的保護和提升。

The commitment to putting workers on company boards suggests this is meaningful.

讓工人加入公司董事會的承諾似乎表明,這是有意義的。

But is it also workable? Here one must note the nuances in Mrs May’s position.

但是,這是否也是可行的?在這裏,人們必須注意梅的立場的細膩之處。

She argues that the UK should be the strongest and most passionate advocate for free trade right across the globe, while insisting on the need for control over immigration.

她主張英國應該是世界上最強有力、最熱情地倡導全球自由貿易的國家,她同時堅稱,英國有必要控制移民。

The workability of the new interventionism depends on its detail.

新干涉主義的可行性取決於其細節。

It is a matter of fact that UK prosperity depends heavily on the skills and knowledge of foreigners, as both workers and investors.

事實是,英國的繁榮在很大程度上取決於外國人(包括工人和投資者)的技能和知識。

Given that the UK is far from the economic powerhouse some imagine, this dependence will continue.

鑑於當今英國遠非有些人想象中的經濟強國,這種依賴將延續下去。

It is vital, therefore, that the new approach does not lead to policies on immigration, tax, corporate governance and control over inward investment that curtail UK access to such valuable global resources.

因此,至關重要的是,新的姿態不會導致英國在移民、稅收、公司治理和控制外來投資方面出臺阻礙獲取這些寶貴的全球資源的政策。

This is, moreover, not just a question of fact but also of rhetoric.

此外,這不僅是事實的問題,還是表態的問題。

Many foreigners now wonder whether the UK has turned its back on them.

許多外國人現在想知道,英國是否已拋棄他們。

The government must demonstrate this is not the case.

英國政府必須證明,情況並非如此。

Perhaps the most important requirement, apart from retaining as much access to EU markets as possible, is to welcome any foreign skilled person with a job.

除了保留儘可能完整的歐盟市場準入,也許最重要的要求是,英國要歡迎任何找得到工作的高技能外國人。

The new activist approach must, instead, focus on the UK’s weaknesses.

相反,新的積極姿態必須關注英國的薄弱環節。

The most important of these are the quality of infrastructure and education and the supply of housing.

其中最重要的是基礎設施和教育的質量,以及住房供應。

It is also vital to promote competition and enhance the scientific and technological base.

促進競爭和夯實科技基礎也是至關重要的。

If the government were to focus on these challenges, while stressing the UK’s openness to foreign skills, foreign investment and global trade, it might deliver the economic dynamism the UK needs.

如果政府關注這些挑戰,同時強調對外國技能、外國投資和全球貿易持開放態度,它或許會提供英國需要的經濟活力。

Mrs May’s rhetoric marks a huge shift.

梅的表態標誌着一個巨大轉變。

Its impact depends on just how those words become reality.

其影響取決於這些話如何變成現實。